Damaged CD from Karaivaz’s mobile phone, silence of the authorities

The news was particularly serious. In one of the most famous trials of our time, in the case of the murder of journalist Giorgos Karaivaz it was discovered that the contacts CD of the slain journalist on the WhatsApp application, the contacts of former General Secretary to the Prime Minister Grigoris Dimitriadis and former EYP commander Panagiotis Kantaleons were destroyed because he was accidentally pierced by… a stapler.

In fact, in addition to destroying the CD, we were informed that there was no printout of the contents and, as far as we know, no copy was requested.

In other words, of all the CDs that this…destructive stapler could reach, the one that fell out was the one relating to the information from the murdered journalist’s cell phone regarding the Prime Minister’s former right-hand man in Megaro Maximos and the EYP commander, who also reports to Maximos Palace.

A CD whose contents have not been printed for some reason, even though it is standard practice in such cases to include an electronic file and detailed printouts of what it contains (such as cell phone messages).

And as if that wasn’t enough, we still don’t know if even a copy exists.

I don’t like conspiracy theories and I don’t believe that there are ghosts around every corner.

But on the other hand, if something in the room has big ears and a trunk, it’s probably really an elephant.

I mean, those who see here and talk about practices that might point to a cover-up aren’t exactly conspiracy theorists.

Why is it surprising, if nothing else, that the only CD that was destroyed from the case file and the court documents available for reading was the one that related to the contacts the journalist had with Grigoris Dimitriadis and Panagiotis Kantaleon, two individuals whose names are known take part and in the case of eavesdropping using illegal spyware about which, in fact and despite its criticality, we also still do not know.

The matter is complicated, increasing the questions (and suspicions), by the fact that, despite the dimensions that the case has justly acquired, the government of Kyriakos Mitsotakis has not done the obvious, that is, to explain what exactly happened to the CD, when where- does anyone have a copy of the digital file it contained, and of course, what exactly that CD contained before its…fatal encounter with the stapler.

Actions that are deemed necessary because otherwise both the government’s silence and the lack of explanation on what is in fact a much-vaunted case simply feed into the widespread feeling that our country’s institutions are broken and that there is a real problem with the rule of law, with any the risks it entails.

Just think that the last Eurobarometer talked about how European citizens see corruption in their countryshowed that in Greece 98% of respondents answered that there is a serious problem of corruption in our country, which is much higher than the European average (68%).

In other words, while we are celebrating 50 years of “normalcy” and “functioning institutions,” the entire Greek society believes we have a corruption problem. This contrast contains the problem.

Of course, the way the government deals with such issues as, for example, the report and recommendations of the Commission on the state of the rule of law in our country.

For which, by the way, there has been an impressive barrage of targeted reports and “leaks” trying to convince us that the Commission’s report largely absolves the government of any responsibility for problems with the functioning of institutions and the rule of law, and that at the end it praises.

And it is true that this report indicates some steps forward in certain areas, and its final text, as is often the case with such reports, also reflects the policy, ultimately the position of the Commission, which had great support from Greece. , especially President Ursula von der Leyen. After all, such reports often have ways of “supporting” the facts of judicial investigations, so as not to be directly critical.

But even this report is anything but “whitewashing” the government for dealing with rule of law issues.

Why it remains critical on all important issues:

It explicitly notes that there are problems with the fight against corruption, freedom of the press and protection of journalists from threats and extortion lawsuits.

He says the public is reacting to the government’s handling of ministerial immunity in cases like Temp.

It highlights the challenges faced by independent authorities in their operations and the problem that existed with “rounding up the constitutionally required majority for the selection of members of their administrations.

It records all the criticism the government has received nationally and internationally for the way it has handled the wiretapping problem so far.

He points to the problems created especially in the immigration sphere, how he treats NGOs and other civil society organizations.

He believes that in many cases of corruption, their judicial investigation is still not completed on time.

He notes the problem is that there is often no substantial consultation on proposed laws.

And, of course, on that basis, he gives her very specific recommendations: to take action to really close the high-level corruption cases. It is necessary to create guarantees for the protection of journalists from abusive legal proceedings. There must be genuine consultation on legislation. Conduct dialogue with NGOs and other civil society organizations.

All this does not seem to praise the government at all. They are much more like identifying real problems and pushing to solve them.

For all these reasons, an attempt to present a “magical picture” of the situation with the rule of law and the functioning of institutions in our country is not beneficial to anyone.

Instead, it only convinces even more people in the country that “the game is rigged.”

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